2013年8月27日 星期二

2013年8月25號東莞工廠之行之美食篇(1)

上個星期日1 點零鐘已經去到深圳市食過午飯先,之後再去向東莞市工廠出發. 我都未食過甘多美食既午餐啊 ~~~
煎緊鵝肝,烘緊方包



鵝肝配方包, 我仲食左兩大舊鵝肝,   原來鵝肝要配方包食先吾會覺得'漏' 

下一篇會講埋仲有美味既大大盤日本國刺身......

2013年8月16日 星期五

香港休閒的一面 Amazing Hong Kong Landscape

一路都吾知, 原來我住緊既地方是那麼美麗. 所有我不會搬出市區,一來空氣污濁, 二來人又多又迫, 三來地方又細. 
I don't ever know that the landscape in my living place is very nice. Thus, that is the reason that I haven't ever thought to move out of where i live.










2013年8月14日 星期三

一段感動了成千上萬華語人既真人真事短片!!! 記住幸福吾糸必然既, 要珍惜身邊既親人!



一段感動了成千上萬華語人既真人真事短片!!! 記住幸福吾糸必然既, 要珍惜身邊既親人! 

老父親每日都打電話給﹝已經逝世的女兒 
在台湾,有一位七十多年歲的爸爸,每天都给女兒打電話。他聽到的每次都是語音信箱的留言:「對不起,我現在在很忙,有事請留言哦!」 

那輕俏活潑的聲音,讓爸爸禁不住笑容满面。明知女儿兒不在電話那頭,他仍會慈爱地回答:「⋯⋯ 好,你去忙,爸爸明天再打给你!」

而事實上,這聲音的主人已在三年前因車車禍去世。這句熟悉而親切的留言,是父親找到女儿兒的唯一方式。

它像一把神奇的鎖匙,可以随時開啓一扇通向秘密花園的門。那里,盛開着有關女兒的所有温柔的記憶。

女兒走後,這個手機再也無人使用,可父親仍然按時繳交着月租費。

每天聽着這句留言,他覺得女兒還未遠走,還在從前的那家公司上班...


記住幸福吾糸必然既, 要珍惜身邊既親人!


2013年8月3日 星期六

斯諾登微笑入俄羅斯國境 Edward Snowden smiles that he enters into Russia

俄羅斯給予美國中情局前任僱員斯諾登臨時政治庇護一年,觸怒美國。美國政府聲稱對俄羅斯決定「極度失望」,將重新審視總統奧巴馬與俄羅斯總統普京原定九月舉行的高峰會。斯諾登周四離開莫斯科機場進入俄國境內後,迅速得到第一份工作邀請,俄最大社交網站VKontakte公開邀斯諾登擔任程式員。
  俄親政府網上小報《生活新聞》(Life News)昨日刊登斯諾登離開機場的照片,斯諾登滿面笑容,陪伴的還有俄籍律師庫切列納、英國「維基解密」法律顧問哈里森及一不知名黑髮女子。斯諾登自六月二十三日逃離香港後,躲在莫斯科機場過境區超過一個月。
  庫切列納說,俄政府給予斯諾登庇護,條件是要他不再公開更多損害美國的機密。不過,斯諾登的承諾不會對「維基解密」網站造成約束,因為他已把大部分材料交給該網站。
  他又透露,斯諾登下一步希望租屋住和找工作。庫切列納稱:「我接到許多公司和許多人的信件,願意聘請他。」他昨日指斯諾登仍身處莫斯科,與當地美國僑民在一起。
  斯諾登獲准入境不久,俄最大社交網站VKontakte(VK)立即聲稱願意給他工作。VK創辦人杜羅夫在網站留言:「我們邀請斯諾登前往聖彼得堡,假如他決定加入VK程式員的夢幻團隊,我們將感到高興。」杜羅夫打趣說,斯諾登會有興趣為數百萬計用戶的私人資料提供保安。二十八歲的杜羅夫○六年創立VK,總部設在聖彼得堡,現號稱註冊用戶約二億一千萬人。
  俄批准斯諾登入境,令美國政府顏面無存。白宮發言人卡尼說:「雖然我們非常清晰及合法要求俄羅斯驅逐斯諾登出境,但俄羅斯政府仍然踏出這一步,令我們感到極之失望。」

  奧巴馬定於九月前往俄聖彼得堡,出席二十國集團(G20)經濟高峰會議,原定到時會停留莫斯科,與普京舉行高峰會談,但目前兩人會否見面成疑。

Could VKontakte Be Edward Snowden's Next Employer?
Photograph by Associated Press

Internet

Could VKontakte Be Edward Snowden's Next Employer?


On the same day Edward Snowden, the former NSA contractor now on the run from U.S. authorities, was issued temporary asylum by Russia and travel documents so he could leave Moscow’s Sheremetyevo airport, he also got a job offer. Pavel Durov, the 28-year-old founder and chief executive of Vkontakte, Russia’s most popular social network, proposed that Snowden come work for the company. “We invite Edward to St. Petersburg, and we will be happy if he decides to join Vkontakte’s star-studded programming team,” Durov wrote in a post on his Vkontakte page. “I think Edward might be interested in working on protecting the personal data of millions of our users.”
These are challenging times for Durov and his company. In a feature story for this week’s print edition ofBloomberg Businessweek, I wrote about the pressure facing both Durov personally and Vkontakte, which he founded in 2006. Over the past months, Durov has faced murky legal charges and the sale of 48 percent of Vkontakte by longtime friends and investors to a fund with supposed ties to the ruling clique around Vladimir Putin.
After paying little attention to the Internet and social networks, the Kremlin is now aware of the Internet’s potential as a political instrument and, with a series of new laws passed by the Duma, appears to be making efforts to monitor and control what is being said and shared online. So far, Vkontakte has not come under any overt pressure. But the change in ownership, as Nikolai Kononov, who wrote a well-received biography of Durov, told me for this week’s story, is best seen as “insurance in the case of any future political cataclysms.” At very least, the time when Durov would be left alone in his often strange and difficult brilliance may be coming to an end.
Durov’s apparent affinity for Snowden comes as little surprise. Although Durov has tried to remain aloof from the particulars of Russian politics, he is an avowed tech-libertarian who has advocated for little or no government control over information and human capital. Hismanifesto, published in the Russian magazine Afisha last year, reads like a treatise on the virtues of transparency and deregulation; it would not be out of place in the more radical corners of Silicon Valley. What’s more, Durov is not one to pick sides in political battles—just as he once tried to deflect praise for refusing an official request to close the pages of protest groups on Vkontakte, the fact that he may be facing his own problems with the state does not keep him from championing Snowden, the Kremlin’s hero du jour.
Durov sees himself as having no allegiance other than to himself and his company. As Kononov put it: “He’s an individualist, an egoist—he works only for himself, plays only his game.” Durov’s worldview allows him to chafe at the Russian state’s attempts to control the Internet; laud the culture of innovation in America’s IT industry; and still write, as he did yesterday, “At moments like this, one feels pride in our country and regret about the policies of the United States, a country that is betraying the principles upon which it was once built.”